Between 2010 and 2012, almost 100,000 elephants were killed for their tusks in Africa... African elephants have thus experienced a drastic net population declaine of some 111,000 since 2006, leaving a likely current poplation of 415,000... Between 2009 and 2015, Tanzania lost between 50 and 60 percent of its elephant population... in South Africa alone, 1,215 rhinos were killed for their horns in 2014.
The list goes on and on. A 171 of a global population of under 4,000 tigers were poached in India between 2010 and 2015. More than a million pangolins were poached in the decade prior to the book's publication. Millions of reptiles are poached every year. It is a grim story, and a difficult question to approach. As Felbab-Brown argues the drivers of poaching are complex - and are often rooted in economic instability and poverty. The solutions are not straightforward either, and in this nuanced book Felbab-Brown uses her knowledge of the global drugs trade to discuss various strategies to challenge poaching.
While the story is grim, the discussion is nuanced. Felbab-Brown points out, for instance, that total bans don't always work, and can often have adverse effects. Indeed, the centrality of hunting to some communities means that bans should be carefully considered. This is not, of course, to follow the lead of the US National Rifle Association who oppose bans on ivory trading in order that their members can go on hunting safaris. But, she points out:
Under some circumstances, legal sales from hunting or farming crucially underpin and enable wildlife conservation in a way that bans, prohibition, and law enforcement will not [be] able to accomplish because they fail to give key actiors and economic stake in conservation.
Having said this, Felbab-Brown does acknowledge that this is neither easy not automatic. While "the legal trade of farmed crocodilians also resulted in the recocver in the wild of several crocdilian species", there can also be a consequent increase in demand, or allow illegal hunting to insert animals into the legal supply chains. In addition to these nuances, Felbab-Brown is also aware of the way in which questions of poaching and conservation interact with wider political and historical issues. For instance she notes that the setting up of US National Parks such as Yellowstone saw the forced displacement of Native Americans. She also notes that because of how hunting was linked to colonial rule in parts of Africa:
Environmental policies thus came to be strongly associated and directly overlapped with colonial oppression in the minds of many African and Asian population. Not surprisingly they felt morally justified and economically empowered by illeagally hunting and exploiting protected areas. Poaching became not only a means of susbistance but also a form of rebellion against colonial rule.
Indeed the best examples that Felbab-Brown can offer in terms of "parks" and protection of animals from hunters are ones were the local populations are empowered to see the protection of the habitats and the animals as being in their interests. This might mean ensuring that wildlife guards are properly paid to ensure they don't become poachers at night to raise extra cash. But it might also mean ensuring that local communities have land to farm and adequate access to the natural resources they need.
What are the solutions? These must start from a clear understanding of the problem. Felbab-Brown summarises:
Althought global poaching and trafficking have become more organised, many poor individuals and communities willingly participate in them and do not embrace conservation. For them, hunting, sale and consumption of animals and the conversion of natural habitats to agriculture or resource exploitation are means of economic survival and social advancement. Ignoring this uncomfortable truth, as has become a fad in some parts of the consevation communityu, including many environmental NGOs, will produce unsustainable and ineffective policies.
Going further she points out that the "dominant narrative" over emphasises organised crime as a driver of poaching and downplays "corruption of government institutions and the wildlife industry" in affected countries.
The question really becomes one of economic wealth. What are the best ways to ensure that people and communities don't need to hunt animals to extinction? Some of this should be straightforward - making people feel a stake in the protection of plants and animals. Some requires removing demand. This is harder - some markets for animals parts are closely linked to countries' traditional beliefs, foods or practices. Though it is interesting to note that Felbab-Brown points out how much of these are recent inventions, and how "Chinese Traditional Medicine" is constantly reinventing itself as sources change.
The strength of the book is its nuanced approach. That there is no "one size fits all" for every country, market or animal is a repeated mantra of Felbab-Brown's book. But despite this I was a little unconvinced by the general thrust of the author's argument. Part of the problem is that the generalised approach by capitalism towards nature is the commodification of nature. The "natural capital" approach which seeks to place a value on nature and embedded it in economic flows is one adopted by most governments, lots of NGOs and almost all global agreements on biodiversity. But once you do this you guarantee that there's a profit to be made. This is why Felbab-Brown argues that "Although it is vital to clean up the corruption that has permeated trohpy hunting in much of Africa, to suspend it indefinitely will hurt, not advance conservation".
This surely is short-sighted - it assumes firstly that people will always want to hunt for trophies and secondly that conservation can only be helped by a uncorrupted hunting industry. I think it's entirely possible to imagine a world where animal hunting for trophies is inconceivable - but that requires a massive challenge to existing ideologies and power structures. A properly funded environmental approach that doesn't rest on "natural capital" would also release the cash needed for the sort of bottom up conservation that Felbab-Brown shows clearly works. But that again requires a challenge to existing global economic priorities.
So while Felbab-Brown has many helpful insights into how not to try and restrict poaching, because her outlook remains essentially bourgeois, I'm not convinced it offers a long term solution. It is why conservation cannot be separated from wider political and economic questions, particularly ones that are about lack of resources and wealth inequality. That's a big criticism, but in making it I want to emphasise that Vanda Felbab-Brown's book has a great deal to stimulate discussion about conservation and the protection of biodiversity loss. It also makes it clear that those who hold the key to protecting biodiversity are often those who are usually dismissed. The book challenges many assumptions and has a multitude of facts and figures that deserve to be widely known.
Related Reviews
Bourgon - Tree Thieves: Crime & Survival in the Woods
Archer - 'By a Flash and a Scare': Arson, Animal Maiming & Poaching in East Anglia: 1815-1870
No comments:
Post a Comment