Thomas King - The Inconvenient Indian: A Curious Account of Native People in North America

One of the first things that struck me about Thomas King's famous account of "Native People in North America" is that The Invonenient Indian doesn't particularly take much notice of the border between Canada and the United States. After all this imaginery line is really only that. Imaginery. The people who lived in North America (or Turtle Island as some groups describe it) didn't distinguish between the two nation states that were eventually imposed upon them. This ought to be an obvious point.

But so used are we to thinking about the nation state, that we impose it backward. King's book doesn't make that mistake, though in his history of people he does deal with the different paths that have led to different laws, politics and struggles among indigenous people. He writes "while the line that divides the two countries is a political reality, and while the border affects bands and tribes in a variety of ways, I would have found it impossible to talk about the one without talking about the other."

The second thing that struck me was one of King's comments about the hunt for the correct term for the people of North America. First Nations, Indians, Native Americans. What was the correct phrase to use? "Why do we need one?" he counters. After all these were not a single group of people at all.

The point I got from these initial thoughts was how easy it is to slip into very crude and simple approaches to people that stem from the world we live in today. "Being", Marx said, "determines consciousness". And the modern framework of nation states, imperialism and earlier colonialism still shapes these thoughts. 

Thus King's book is refreshing in that its narrative is not a simple linear one of conquest, defeat and oppression. Though this material is all there - and sometimes it is shocking and unpleasants. Rather it is a discussion of what it means in terms of how Native Americans (for want of a better term) are seen, indentified, protrayed and understood by non-Native Americans today. King uses two categories to explain this, the Dead Indian and the Live, or Legal, Indian. The former is acceptable in a sense, because it is the Indian that lives in the imagination - in a thousand western films, or in books, or on food containers. It is the Native American of fantasy. It is one that can be dressed up as. The Legal Indian is the existing one, who has rights and land and as King says in a reprinted interview at the end of this book, "the Legal Indian is the Indian that Canada is trying to kill. They don't want no more Legal Indians".

Here King touches on the way that the "Legal" indian, with their land and (some) rights is a barrier to North American capitalism. Their land ownership, their legal rights, their reservations stop the profit machine. Here is the "inconvenience" of the title - the fact that Indians have fought for their rights, to defend and extend them - from the Indian Wars to the Wounded Knee Occupation in 1973. Some of the best parts of the book are those where King describes these more rescent struggles - or at least the battles of the 20th century over fishing rights, land access or wealth.

King makes a final, and important, point. He rejects the idea of a static Native American culture, or indeed one that is particularly mystical. Instead he says that "the fact of Native existence is that we live modern lives informed by traditional values and contemporary realities and that we wish to live those lives on our terms." Reality means that doing that will mean a constant struggle - against racism, oppression and exploitation. King's book shows that there is a long tradition of that and he does this with verve, passion and humour. Highly recommended.

Related Reviews

Hämäläinen - Lakota America: A New History of Indigenous Power
Estes - Our History is the Future

Karl Marx - Herr Vogt: A Spy in the Workers' Movement

Herr Vogt is a strange and difficult book, even for dedicated followers of Karl Marx. It is a detailed, dare I say, obsessive, response to libelous attacks on Marx and his comrades by Carl Vogt, a German philosopher, politican and scientist. Usually, when referred to in books about Marx authors lament that Marx took time out from writing far more important work to respond to attacks that today might be irrelevant and forgotten. Indeed, like Eugen Dühring who was the target of Engels' work Anti-Dühring, it's entirely possible that Vogt would mostly be forgotton today if Marx had not decided to refute his slander. But the book is not an easy read. The problem was well described by Franz Mehring, one of Marx's biographers who wrote in 1918:

It is the only one of Marx’s independent works which has never been reprinted: and there are probably very few copies still extant. First of all, it is very long, amounting to 192 closely printed pages (Marx declared that in ordinary print it would be twice as long), and secondly, it would require detailed commentary to make all the references in it clear to the present-day reader. For the most part this would not be worthwhile, because much of the matter with which Marx deals was forced on him by his opponent and relates to affairs which have long since been completely forgotten and rightly so. In reading the book one involuntarily experiences a sense of discomfort to hear Marx defending himself against slanderous attacks which did not touch him even remotely.

Today the book has been reprinted and is available online. But the other problems remain. The reader may struggle with several things - firstly the people, groups and events that Marx references in his sometimes meandering demolition of Vogt's allegations. The second is that Marx's often refers to individuals, especially Vogt himself, in slang, insults or with literary references. "Falstaff" is a frequent example. If anything the one thing modern readers will learn from the book is that Marx had an enormous grasp of poetry and literarture and was not adverse to quoting or paraphrasing such to make a point.

In one example Marx describes the skunk in detail, referring to its "horrible offensive" smell. He then describes Vogt as a "naturalised citizen of the 'Animal Kingdom'" who, "in the manner of the skunk", "sprayed" allegations against his enemies. In this particular case the allegation is that Marx and his comrades were "live off the sweat of the workers". Its an attack that clearly, and rightly, enrages Marx and he marshals several letters from supporters, including the editors of the New York Tribune who point out his paid work and his sacrifices for the workers' movement. In Herr Vogt, this is frequently Marx's approach. He refutes and allegation and summons letters from mutiple acquaintances, enemies and supporters to prove his point and refute the slander.

What was Vogt's purpose in his attack on Marx? Clearly it was to discredit Marx and those around him arguing for revolutionary politics. Why did Vogt do this? Marx asks:"Is Karl Vogt paid to be an agent?" Marx doesn't really know for definite: "Who knows whether Plon-Plon has not promised his Falstaff the post of Commander of the Mouse Tower in the Rhine at Bingen". But Marx notes:

In any case, rumour has it, I know, that there is a more prosaic explanation of things. Thus 'with the turn in the situation since 1859' there is said to heave been a turn in the conditions of the 'jolly companion' (who had, a short time previously, been joint chief of a joint stock company in great difficulties and involved in criminal investigations.

But more importantly for Marx he shows that Vogt represents a particular strand of thought among politicans who, during the 1848 revolutions and after sided with Louis Bonaparte. Marx makes sure to demonstrate how Vogt was wrong during the revolution and after and how his "patrons" were keen to abandon principles and side with Bonaparte against democrats, revolutionaries and so on. Much of this material is obscure and hard to follow because Marx is, in his classic method, making his argument by building up to a big picture. Those who want to know more about Marx's thinking about key moments in European history after 1848 might find material here to get their teeth into. Most of us will find it somewhat obscure.

Of more interest is the insights we get into the lives of radical emigrants and refugees and Marx's own circles. Some of the letters have real gems. Charles Dana, editor of the NY Tribune is full of praise for Marx's work, but says "in questions relating to both Czarism and Bonapartism, I have sometimes thought that you manifested too much interest and too great anxiety for the unity and independence of Germany". But he goes on, that Marx has "always manifested the most cordial interest in the welfare and progress of the labouring classes."

In the 1982 edition of Herr Vogt that I have the translator argues that after 120 years (now 160 or so) since first publication, the book remains "a model of the analysis, investigation and exposure of the agents of bourgeois reaction." I, it must be said, remain unconvinced. It is a deep polemic, and there's plenty of Marx in it. But it must have been obscure - even at the time, and typically Marx lost money on the book. Readers wanting to dive in are recommended to read the chapters in Mehring's book which explain the context to the convoluted arguments and persons mentioned. Mehring concludes that Marx should never have got involved:

When the trouble with Vogt began Marx’s friend Imandt wrote: “I shouldn’t like to have to write about the affair and I shall be surprised if you can bring yourself to thrust your hand into such a muckheap,” and similar advice came to hand from Russian and Hungarian friends. To-day one almost feels inclined to wish that he had taken it. The deplorable business won him a number of new friends and, in particular, it caused him to resume friendly relations with the Workers Educational League, which immediately supported him vigorously. On the other hand it tended to hamper the great work of his life rather than further it, despite, or rather just because of, the valuable sacrifice in strength and time which it demanded without offering any commensurate gain, and at the same time it caused him serious domestic difficulties.

On the other hand, as the recent "Spy Cops" investigation has demonstrated, spies in the movement and those seeking to discredit radicals and revolutionaries remain a problem. While Marx's response to Vogt may not be his most important or accessible work. It is, nonetheless, a demonstration of how seriously Marx took his revolutionary activity and how keen he was to defend himself against counter-revolutionary critics.

Related Reviews

Mehring - Karl Marx: The Story of his Life
Marx - Value, Price and Profit
Marx - The Civil War in France
Liebknecht - Karl Marx: Biographical Memoirs

Clara Zetkin - Fighting Fascism: How to struggle and how to win

Editors Mike Taber and John Riddell open their introduction to this short but incredibly useful collection by writing "seldom has there been a word more bandied about, yet less understood, than fascism". That's certainly true. As the right and far-right gain confidence around the globe understanding who and what fascists are and represent is crucial for the left in order to defeat them. We can learn a great deal from those who fought fascism in the 1920s and 1930s, and this short collection of pieces by Clara Zetkin is a superb introduction.

Zetkin deserves a brief introduction. She was a leading figure in the German Communist Party who had been active since the 1870s. A close friend and collaborator with Rosa Luxembourg in the SPD, she was particularly active around the women's movement. Opposed to the First World War and a principled anti-imperialist she joined the Spartakist League and became a leading figure in the KPD. She was an elected member of the German Reichstag, and as this collection makes clear, she fought hard for a United Front of Communists and non-Communists against the Nazis - using Parliament as a platform. When the Nazis came to power she went into exile in the Soviet Union and died in 1933.

The importance of a brief outline of Zetkin's life is to illustrate an important fact - she was part of the Communist movement in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, through the defeat of the German Revolution and into the period of Stalin's counter-revolution against the Russian revolution. Through this time she was part of debates on fighting fascism at the Communist International, and the first, most important documents in this collection are actually reports made to that body.

The first thing to say is how prescient these are. Writing in 1923 she is able to immediate discern what is unique about fascism through her analysis of Mussolini in Italy. Her explanation is important for contemporary analysis. She says:

At first, the prevailing view was that fascism was nothing more than violent bourgeois terror, and its character and effects were thought to be similar to those of the Horthy regime in Hungary. Yet even though fascism and the Horthy regime employ the same bloody, terrorist methods, which bear down on the proletariat in the same way, the historical essence of the two phenomena is entirely different.

Rather,

Fascism... is not at all the revenge of hte bourgeoisie against the militant uprising of the proletariat. In historical terms, viewed objectively, fascism arrives much more as punishment because the proletariat has not carried and driven forward the revolution that began in Russia. 

Then:

[Communists] view fascism as an expression of the decay and disintegration of the capitalist economy and as a symptom of the bourgeois state's dissolution. We can combat fascism only if we grasp that it rouses and sweeps along broad social masses who have lost the earlier security of their existence and with it, often, their belief in social order. 

Having then outlined some of the "thousands  seeking new possibilities for survival", she explains that its not enough to see the growth of fascism "solely as a result of such economic pressures alone". It is, she repeats, the "halting pace of world revolution resulting from betrayal by the reformist leaders of the workers' movement". The failure of these figures to carry forward the struggle and offer an alternativge vision or "global change" to the embattled middle classes allowed them to find solace and hope in the fascist movement. Fascism she says "became an asylum for all the politically homeless, the socially uprooted, the destitute and disillusioned". But it's her analysis of the dynamics that make the book so useful. She predicts, for instance, that the fascist leadership (as Hitler's Nazis did) would "flirt with the revolutionary proletariat, even though they may not have any personal sympathy for it". This is why they called themselves "National Socialists" rather than for any sympathy for socialism.

Having explored what fascism is, and what it is like in government (in Italy) Zetkin talks about how the left can defeat it - challenging the suffering that people are experiencing and challenge the fascists themselves. Crucial is a United Front of workers from whatever position. As she says:

But proletarian struggle and self-defense against fascism requires a proletarian united front. Fascism does not ask if the worker in the factory has a soul painted in the white and blue colors of Bavaria; or is inspired by the black, red, and gold colors of the bourgeois republic; or by the red banner with a hammer and sickle. It does not ask whether the worker wants to restore the Wittelsbach dynasty [of Bavaria], is an enthusiastic fan of Ebert, or would prefer to see our friend Brandler as president of the German Soviet Republic. All that matters to fascism is that they encounter a class-conscious proletarian, and then they club him to the ground. That is why workers must come together for struggle without distinctions of party or trade-union affiliation.

With the rise of Stalin, and "third period" thought, the Communist International broke with the principled position of United Front strategy and instead labelled the reformists as being the same as the fascists. The editors of this volume explore how this affected Zetkin - she was essentially isolated and ignored, though the Stalinists weren't able to destroy here. Zetkin did, it is true, pull some of her criticisms of Stalin and the direction of the in order to maintain her ability to play a role in the Comintern and the KPD. Nonetheless she did manage to keep arguing for a United Front, most memorably and movingly in a speech to the German Reichstag, while being heckled by fascists and Nazis, in 1932. Extracts from this remarkable speech are reproduced here, with a framing introduction by editor John Riddell,. Riddel explains the context. Zetkin was almost blind and so frail she had two KPD members carry her to the platform. She started by saying

Our most urgent task today is to form a united front of all working people in order to turn back fascism. All the differences that divide and shackle us - whether founded on political, trade-union, religious or ideological outlooks - must give way before this imperious historical necessity.

Tragically the Stalinised KPD was no longer a force willing to construct such a united front and many thousands of Communists would pay the price with their lives in the Nazi concentration camps. Zetkin had not been able to win the necessary argument in the face of Stalin's forces inside the Comintern. But she had never lost hope. She finished:

The united front must embrace all those who are dependent on wages or salaries or otherwise must pay tribute to capitalism, for it is they who both sustain capitalism and are its victims. I am opening this session of the Reichstag in fulfillment of my duty as honoary chair and in the hope that despite my present infirmities I may yet have the good fortune to open, as honarary chair, the first congress of workers' councils of a Soviet Germany.

This collection of essays, brilliantly edited by John Riddell and Mike Taber, is a crucial tool to understand and organise against fascism today. But it is also a tribute to a brave and principled socialist who fought her whole life for the liberation of humanity. Everyone should read it.

Related Reviews

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Trotsky - The First Five Years of the Communist International (Vol. II)
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Guerin - Fascism and Big Business
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Lyndal Roper - Living I Was Your Plague: Martin Luther's World and Legacy

2017 saw the five hundredth anniversary of Martin Luther beginning the Reformation. By lucky coincidence, rather than design, it was also the year that Lyndal Roper's epic biography of Luther was published. As a result Roper was asked to speak at numerous debates, lectures and events that marked the Reformation and this book, is the result of that experience. In her preface Roper recounts speaking in Wittenberg, the town where Luther was based and were the Reformation was centred. She was in St Mary's Church, where Luther preached and was married, but the Church is also the site of a hideously racist antisemitic sculpture. This then was the occasion for much debate and discussion, and in particular how she thought about Luther himself, and his antisemitism.

But the book then is not another biography of Luther. Rather it is an attempt to understand Luther's life and ideas in a deeper context. It is, she writes to be taken in the spirit of Lutheranism that she admires, "its profund anti-authoritarianism, its political engagement, and its insistence on argument, discussion, and critical appraisal of its own history". At the same time Roper is open that she is critical and prepared to highlight unpleasant and "less comfortable" aspects of Luther's ideas and life.

The book opens with a study of Luther's image. Luther's Reformation ran on image and ideas. He was the first figure in history to make use of the printing press in a systematic way. But the use of the press was for more than producing large quantities of sermons and printed texts. It was also, as Andrew Pettegree has pointed out in his book Brand Luther to create a Brand. Pamphlets had a style, and as Roper shows, Luther's image was carefully curated for "instant legibility". She points out that:

There is Luther the monk, and image which had run its course by 1524; Luther in the Wartburg; Luther as a marrid man; the standard portrait; the full-body Luther; and dead Luther. Each of these was made famous by the Cranach workshop. Finally there is a type I shall term 'Luther and Co.' which was produced only after Luther's death.

This curation of Luther's image created in a time before mass media, an instantly recognisable figure and thus helped propel Luther to leadership of the Reformation itself. But Roper continues, these images went further, "gave rise to a whole new material culture of images.... Indeed, Cranach's portrait proved so successful that it escaped the bounds of Luteranism altogether and became a signifier not just for the Lutheran Church, but for German-ness itself". Luther came to stand in for the religious changes and the society they helped create.

Another chapter looks at the role of dreams in Luther's life and those of his religious contemporaries. How particular dreams are understood was important, but I mostly refer to them because while Roper says that "Luther... wa scharacteristically sceptical about the significance of dreams", she places a some importance on them in understanding Luther himself. Indeed this includes her analysis of Luther's antisemitism. Here she writes:

In contrast to medieval anti-Semitism, Luther's was linked to a set of fantasies surrounding circumcision and the Jews as the Chosen People. Psychologically, in Freudian terms, such fears would be connected with the Oedipal stage and with castration... The infant feels rivalry towarsd the father, and fears that the father will take revenge on him by castrating him. Jews, so the irrational fear would run, have undergone a kind of symbolic castration ... The circumcised Jew would therefore function as a nightmare vision of what might happen to oneself. Anti-Semitism would consequently be connected to issues about sexual difference, power and parents. It would be fundamentally concerned with identity.

This is, I think, a remarkably weak analysis of Luther's antisemitism. It should be said that Roper's account of Luther's antisemitism is incredibly important. She notes herself that it was rarely acknowledged, often ignored, and only recently have books studied it closely. This acknowledgement of Luther's antisemitism by historians, biographers and scholars has been important. But Roper's own explanation of why Luther was an antisemite here, removes Luther, his ideas, and principly the Jewish people from their historical context. Rather than seeking to explain Luther's antisemitism in Freudian terms, we need to locate it in both his own developing religious ideas and the way that Jewish people were the victim of oppression and racism due to their economic and religious positions in 16th century Europe. This chapter was disappointing and inadequate.

Roper, it must be emphasised, does not in any way diminish or excuse Luther's antisemitism. Indeed she notes how it has been both exposed, and forgotten in the final part of her study of Luther's impact - Luther Kitsch. Here she highlights the Luther Playmobil figure, the most popular such plastic figure of all time, and one that was initially made with a version of a Bible that essentially emphasised Luther's antisemitic beliefs. This was hurridly corrected, but the kitsch continues. Even today, many years after the 500th anniversary, Wittenberg's shops are full of socks, ornaments, pictures and even honey, that celebrate the image of Luther.

The essays in Living I was your Plague are interesting, but the book felt disjointed and directionless. I have found Lyndal Roper's work stimulating and enjoyable, and her biography of Luther is unparalled. But this book was weak and in places flawed.

Related Reviews

Roper - Martin Luther: Renegade and Prophet
Roper - Summer of Fire and Blood: The German Peasants' War
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Douglas Adams - Dirk Gently's Holistic Detective Agency

Revisting a favourite book from many years ago can be like finding a long lost friend. So it was with Douglas Adam's Dirk Gently's Holistic Detective Agency. I must have read this half a dozen times in the 1990s. But that means that there's a gap of nearly quarter of a century since I last opened it, and while I remembered it well, I think I had forgotten just how funny it is. I also had not remembered, or perhaps hadn't appreciated, the novels depths and the intricacies of the plot.

One of the amusing things about the book is that Dirk Gently, who appeared in one further complete novel, a radio play and a couple of TV series, doesn't appear until a third of the way through this, the first novel. The opening third of the novel is a series of apparently random and disconnected events. A robotic priest, programmed to believe everything it is told, rides a horse in an alien landscape. An absent minded history professor amazes a young girl at a Cambridge dinner, and Gordon Way (I am assuming this is a caricature of Clive Sinclair) a multi-millioniare software company founder, is murdered.

These stories will be connected. In fact they are connected through time and space with other, lesser events. Everything in the book matters, and readers will find on repeated readings that they notice more and more. All this, of course, goes with Dirk Gently's central idea - everything is connected. The universe links everything and solving mysteries is simply a matter of following everything to its conclusion - no matter how unrelated and random stuff appears. 

All of this is, of course, done within the framework of Douglas Adam's typical absurdist, chaotic and occasionally farcical story telling. It is what made me laugh thirty years ago, and what made me laugh again, and again, this time around. But I was also struck by something else. Adam's own fascination and embracement of new technology means that some parts of the novel would have seemed outlandish. One character downloads information from the internet (we assume a bulletin board of the time) and there's a good joke about the US militaries use of software. While none of the characters have mobile phones, in some ways this is a very modern novel.

When I first read this I used to joke that this was a convoluted novel that was really about how a sofa gets stuck in a stairwell. It is that. But there's so much else, and its made me very keen to reread the sequel and seek out the final, unfinished story that's collected in Salmon of Doubt. Douglas Adam's untimely death robbed us of so many great stories.

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Ralph Darlington - Labour Revolt in Britain 1910-1914

The great "Labour Unrest" or "Labour Revolt" that exploded across Britain from 1910 to 1914 is little known to most trade union and left activists in Britain today. It was an extraordinary period that saw "one of the most sustained, dramatic and violent explosions of industrial militancy and social conflict" in the history of the country. Those great figures of Fabian social democracy Sidney and Beatrice Webb were horrified, writing that the strikes were

designed... to supersede collective bargaining - to repudiate any making of long-term agreements, to spring demand after demand upon employuers, to compel every workamn to join the Union, avowedly with the view of building up the Trade Union as a dominant force. The spasm of industrial 'insurrectionism' was [only] adruptly stopped by the outbreak of the war.

If we can detect a barely concleaed relief from the Webbs in that quote at the ending of the unrest, it was nothing compared to the relief in Westminster and the offices of employers everywhere else. Others understood exactly what had taken place, the Irish radical trade unionist Jim Larkin commented that "Labour has lost its old humility and its respectful finger touching its cap." Still others quoted by Ralph Darlington thought the movement was heading in a very radical direction. George Dangerfield saidit "took a revoutionary course and might have reached a revolutionary conclusion."

One of the great strengths, and most enjoyable aspects to this book are Darlington's detailed accounts of the strikes, and those involved. From transport to docksand sewing machine manufacturers to motor cab drivers and tailors and tailoresses and groups as diverse as Cornish clay workers and furniture makers. Tens of thousands of men and women went out on strike. On occasion the strikes were massive and quickly won, on others they were small and slow. But the "diversity of struggles" was huge. One example will suffice. 

In December 1911 in the Vale of Leven, West Dunbartonshire, 2,000 women went on strike at the United Turkey Red Combine dye company. On the first day 7,000 people blocked the gates and shut the works down. Their banners, as they marched through the town read, "White Slaves, Vale of Leven, No Surrender". Their partial victory on Christmas Day saw recognition of the two (male and female) unions and a weekly pay rise of 1 shilling for men and 6 pence for women. This, it should be noted, was a sell out by the mens union which reneged on the plan for equal pay rises for men and women. But the real step forward perhaps was that the unions quickly merged, with the Amalgamated Society of Dyers accepting a merger from the National Federation of Women Workers branch. 

The NFWW itself had been founded by Mary Macarthur in 1906, it grew to 20,000 when war broke out. In fact, the rapid growth of trade unions and the emergence of new unions was a key consequence of the strike wave. 

Darlington's account stresses the breadth of the struggle. But he also draws out how new groups were being brought into the conflict. As the example above shows, he has an excellent focus on women's trade unions, strikes and political struggles. There is also a detailed look at the surprising wave of strikes by schoolchildren. Here I simply must include the acount from Manchester when school strikers came out, and "appointed pickets who, labelled with papers pinned to their caps bearing the wod 'picket' marched in a body to the Holland Street municipal school to induce... a sympathetic strike... the strikers... having on the way secured sticks which they brandished fiercely." Others brandished their toy pistols.

Sympathy strikes among school children was a tactic clearly learnt from watching the other strikes. Solidarity walkouts and the picketing out of other workplaces was one of the most powerful weapons that the workers had, and whole towns were brought to a halt by the tactic. These were rarely violent, in fact:

Strikers invariably endeavoured to engage in peaceful dialogue, reasoning and persuasion with those workers who refuesed to join strikes and undertood to cross pickets lines. Even contemporary hostile press reports concerned with the problem of alleged 'intimidation' frequently let slip that the act of respecting picket lines was often done voluntarily. The culture of respecting picket lines, combined with the wider degree of solidarity generated by strikes, was at least as important in building trade union power as the more dramtic large-scle confrontation, with other workers sometimes influenced and swayed by the pickets, even if highly reluctantly. 

What was the cause of the revolt? One answer is poverty and inequality which had reached enormous levels in the pre-War period. In 1910 ten percent of the population owned 92 percent of the wealth. But it was more than this. According to one study by George Askwith of the Board of Trade, a great cause of discontent was the "flamboyant lifestyle" of the wealthy, contrasted with workers' poverty. Changes in British society were also having an impact, mass education was, according to Darlington, "sharpening critical faculties and encouraging a rising standard of expectation". These factors were combing to end a situation where workers "knew their place" and going further, the strikes reflected the desire "to achieve a greater amount of economic equality... [and] demands for for shorter working hourse, more pay and more power, both over industry and in the government of the country."

Pertinent to readers today one other important factor was the "widespread perceived failure of the Labour Party the ineffectiveness of Parliament". According to Darlington the "significance of the period precisely lay in the polaristaion that developed between constitutional Labour politics of gradualist reform from above and the notion that the working class could achieve its goals through industrial militancy from below." Industrial militancy was a rejection of both parliament and "orthodox trade unionism".

But there were flaws in the struggle, and Darlington, as he has done in his other books, explores both the limits of radical trade unionism and the far-left political parties of the time. Notably he argues, "a characteristic feature of the radical left [at the time] was its failure to connect industrial struggles with political ideas, organisation and leadership". While the syndicalist trade unionists rightly "insisted that society's revolutionary transformation necessarily had to come from below" they also subordinated "ideological and political questions". This meant that at times struggles were weakened as for instance in the 1911 Liverpool transport strike, when "sectarianism between Catholic and Protestant workers was not explicitly challenged".  Darlington concludes that these weaknesses meant:

The leadership vacuum was filled by default by trade union and Labour Party leaders, whose conciliatory and parliamentary reformist strategy of working within the system and accommodating to it ultimately predominated, notwithstanding considerable challenge.

Ralph Darlington's account of the Labour Revolt is an stimulating and important read. It is both inspiring and politically sharp. It reminds us of the power of workers when we act and demonstrate solidarity in practice, and of the need for clear trade union and socialist leadership. The potential demonstrated in 1910-1914 is desperately needed again, and this book is an excellent guide for learning from the past. While little known today 1910-1914 was an important era in shaping the trade union terrain on which we must organise today. All militants can learn a lot from this excellent book.

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Darlington & Lyddon - Glorious Summer: Class Struggle in Britain 1972
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Leon Trotsky - The First Five Years of the Communist International (Vol. II)

Volume one of this collection of Trotsky's essays on the early Communist International was dominated by excitement as revolution swept Europe in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution and the First World War. In contrast the second volume is dominated by the various radicals attempting to grapple with a new context - the seemingly temporary retreat from revolution and the remergence and growing confidence of the bourgeoise. This poses two challenges for the Communist International. The first is trying to understand the dynamics of the new order, and what this means for Revolutionary Russia. The second is trying to find ways of solidifying the newly emerged Communist Parties of Europe and finding ways for them to connect to the masses in a time when revolution is not on the immediate horizon. The book thus has perhaps more material that is pertinent to the current situation than the earlier volume.

The first thing that Trotsky takes on is the theory of the offensive. This was, essentially, the idea that a Communist Party could declare a revolution without the base and prepardness that was required. It is one that proved disastorous in Germany in March 1921 when a Communist led insurrection failed to secure the support of the mass of the working class. This "theory" dovetailed with a crude economic vision of many of the left that worsening economic situations would inevitably drive workers to revolution. By contrast Trotsky says:

The mere idea that the commercial-industrial crisis could give way to a relative boom was regarded by the conscious and semi-conscious adherents of the theory of the offensive almost as centrism. As for the idea that the new commerical-industrial revival might not only fail to act as a brake upon the revolution, but on the contrary gave promise of imparting new vigor to it [as workers gained self confidence in improved conditions for a capitalism that needed them] - this idea already seemed nothing short of Menshevism.

You get a real sense of the best elements of the revolutionary movement trying to desperately teach a new generation of radicals core ideas and strategy from their own experience. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the discussion around the United Front. The United Front was conceptualised by the Communist International in the early 1920s as a way of revolutionaries relating to the masses when the masses were not yet revolutionary. In short its explored as a strategy whereby Communist Parties would attempt to relate to other organisations over short term demands that could demonstrate in practice that their tactics were the best and at the same time expose the limitations of the social democrats and the reformists. The sharp and repeated arguments that Trotsky and the leadership of the Comintern have with the French Communist Party are where this argument is played out in this collection. The French CP is dominated by socialists wedded to the old way of doing things. It is far from a unified revolutionary party and the Comintern has to step in several times to expel right-wingers, or even demand that members of the FCP who are also Freemasons leave. But it is over the United Front that they battle the hardest. For many in the FCP the United Front is a capitulation to reformism. Trotsky repeatedly talks through the reality, using the case of a strike in Le Harve which saw the state kill four strikers. The FCP immediately called a general strike, but did not have the networks, support or base for this, and a minority followed their call. Trotsky explores how the United Front tactic could have pulled the masses towards a strike that would have been successful:

Attempts should have been made in each factory and plant or each neighborhood, district and city to set up provisional protest committees, into which the Communists and the revolutionary sundicalists shold have drawn representatives of local conciliationist organistaions. Only a campaign of this type, systematic, concentrated, all-sided, intense and tireless - could have been, within a week or more, corwned by major success... such a campaign would have brought as its lasting result an increase in the mass connections, prestige and influence of the party and the CGTU alike.

Interestingly Trotsky is able to use the experience in Germany of temporary success with this tactic as a way of demonstrating proof of the United Front tactic. The inclusion of a report by Clara Zetkin on this is a real highlight of this collection.

Two other themes stand out. The first is what's happening in Russia. As the immediate prospect of revolution in Europe fades slightly, there's a corresponding need to strengthen the Russian economy. This means the introduction of the New Economic Plan, an attempt to strengthen the economy by permitting a minority of the economy to operate on the basis of capitalist relations. Some of the delegates to the Comintern see this as a retreat in the face of capitalism, and the Comintern's enemies predict this will mean the restoration of capitalism in the country. Trotsky outlines the reality, and shows how this decision is rooted in the realities of Civil War and the backward nature of the economy captured by the Russian Revolution. Its a fantasticly honest discussion, and one that demonstrates how the young Soviet Republic was struggling at the same time as being honest and open about the realities they faced. Later Trostky is able to celebrated increased food production and predict that when the European revolution came it would be supported by Russian food in the face of their own counter-revolutionary blockades.

But counter-revolution is real. It is tragically shocking that it is as early as 1920 in this collection that the word fascism is first used and the triumph of Mussolini in 1923 means the first attempts to theorise what fascism was. In the face of this new threat, and learning the lessons of the previous few years, Trotsky reiterates a key point, one that socialists today need to remember - the need for a revolutionary party.

Without our party the 1917 overturn would not, of course, have taken palce and the entire fate of our country would have been different. It would have been thrown back to vegetate as a colonial country; it would have been plundered by and divided among the imperialist powers of the world. That this did not happen was guaranteed historically by the arming of the working class with the incomparable sword, our Communist Party. This did not happen in postwar Europe.

That failure did not end revolutionary hopes. If this collection is not filled with the excitment of immediate revolutionary potential, it nonetheless shows a real attempt to grapple with the failure of revolution outside Russia and how to build the sort of organisations that could develop and embolden the working class of the world. Circumstances meant this was not to happen. But the lessons and arguments have much too teach revolutionaries today.

Related Reviews

Trotsky - The First Five Years of the Communist International (Vol. I)
Trotsky - The History of the Russian Revolution
Trotsky - The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany
Trotsky - On Britain
Trotsky - Lessons of October