Friday, October 24, 2025

Leon Trotsky - The First Five Years of the Communist International (Vol. II)

Volume one of this collection of Trotsky's essays on the early Communist International was dominated by excitement as revolution swept Europe in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution and the First World War. In contrast the second volume is dominated by the various radicals attempting to grapple with a new context - the seemingly temporary retreat from revolution and the remergence and growing confidence of the bourgeoise. This poses two challenges for the Communist International. The first is trying to understand the dynamics of the new order, and what this means for Revolutionary Russia. The second is trying to find ways of solidifying the newly emerged Communist Parties of Europe and finding ways for them to connect to the masses in a time when revolution is not on the immediate horizon. The book thus has perhaps more material that is pertinent to the current situation than the earlier volume.

The first thing that Trotsky takes on is the theory of the offensive. This was, essentially, the idea that a Communist Party could declare a revolution without the base and prepardness that was required. It is one that proved disastorous in Germany in March 1921 when a Communist led insurrection failed to secure the support of the mass of the working class. This "theory" dovetailed with a crude economic vision of many of the left that worsening economic situations would inevitably drive workers to revolution. By contrast Trotsky says:

The mere idea that the commercial-industrial crisis could give way to a relative boom was regarded by the conscious and semi-conscious adherents of the theory of the offensive almost as centrism. As for the idea that the new commerical-industrial revival might not only fail to act as a brake upon the revolution, but on the contrary gave promise of imparting new vigor to it [as workers gained self confidence in improved conditions for a capitalism that needed them] - this idea already seemed nothing short of Menshevism.

You get a real sense of the best elements of the revolutionary movement trying to desperately teach a new generation of radicals core ideas and strategy from their own experience. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the discussion around the United Front. The United Front was conceptualised by the Communist International in the early 1920s as a way of revolutionaries relating to the masses when the masses were not yet revolutionary. In short its explored as a strategy whereby Communist Parties would attempt to relate to other organisations over short term demands that could demonstrate in practice that their tactics were the best and at the same time expose the limitations of the social democrats and the reformists. The sharp and repeated arguments that Trotsky and the leadership of the Comintern have with the French Communist Party are where this argument is played out in this collection. The French CP is dominated by socialists wedded to the old way of doing things. It is far from a unified revolutionary party and the Comintern has to step in several times to expel right-wingers, or even demand that members of the FCP who are also Freemasons leave. But it is over the United Front that they battle the hardest. For many in the FCP the United Front is a capitulation to reformism. Trotsky repeatedly talks through the reality, using the case of a strike in Le Harve which saw the state kill four strikers. The FCP immediately called a general strike, but did not have the networks, support or base for this, and a minority followed their call. Trotsky explores how the United Front tactic could have pulled the masses towards a strike that would have been successful:

Attempts should have been made in each factory and plant or each neighborhood, district and city to set up provisional protest committees, into which the Communists and the revolutionary sundicalists shold have drawn representatives of local conciliationist organistaions. Only a campaign of this type, systematic, concentrated, all-sided, intense and tireless - could have been, within a week or more, corwned by major success... such a campaign would have brought as its lasting result an increase in the mass connections, prestige and influence of the party and the CGTU alike.

Interestingly Trotsky is able to use the experience in Germany of temporary success with this tactic as a way of demonstrating proof of the United Front tactic. The inclusion of a report by Clara Zetkin on this is a real highlight of this collection.

Two other themes stand out. The first is what's happening in Russia. As the immediate prospect of revolution in Europe fades slightly, there's a corresponding need to strengthen the Russian economy. This means the introduction of the New Economic Plan, an attempt to strengthen the economy by permitting a minority of the economy to operate on the basis of capitalist relations. Some of the delegates to the Comintern see this as a retreat in the face of capitalism, and the Comintern's enemies predict this will mean the restoration of capitalism in the country. Trotsky outlines the reality, and shows how this decision is rooted in the realities of Civil War and the backward nature of the economy captured by the Russian Revolution. Its a fantasticly honest discussion, and one that demonstrates how the young Soviet Republic was struggling at the same time as being honest and open about the realities they faced. Later Trostky is able to celebrated increased food production and predict that when the European revolution came it would be supported by Russian food in the face of their own counter-revolutionary blockades.

But counter-revolution is real. It is tragically shocking that it is as early as 1920 in this collection that the word fascism is first used and the triumph of Mussolini in 1923 means the first attempts to theorise what fascism was. In the face of this new threat, and learning the lessons of the previous few years, Trotsky reiterates a key point, one that socialists today need to remember - the need for a revolutionary party.

Without our party the 1917 overturn would not, of course, have taken palce and the entire fate of our country would have been different. It would have been thrown back to vegetate as a colonial country; it would have been plundered by and divided among the imperialist powers of the world. That this did not happen was guaranteed historically by the arming of the working class with the incomparable sword, our Communist Party. This did not happen in postwar Europe.

That failure did not end revolutionary hopes. If this collection is not filled with the excitment of immediate revolutionary potential, it nonetheless shows a real attempt to grapple with the failure of revolution outside Russia and how to build the sort of organisations that could develop and embolden the working class of the world. Circumstances meant this was not to happen. But the lessons and arguments have much too teach revolutionaries today.

Related Reviews

Trotsky - The First Five Years of the Communist International (Vol. I)
Trotsky - The History of the Russian Revolution
Trotsky - The Struggle Against Fascism in Germany
Trotsky - On Britain
Trotsky - Lessons of October

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